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Nunga baby taken away `Where's my mama' hear him say `You takin' me to Goonyaland?' Carried and fed by white man's hand Growing up different Never knowing Aunts and uncles, cousins growing Mama cries - Government pays Children lost to city ways

Paul Blackmore’s photographs illustrate this report. They depict an inspired local initiative. Five years ago the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody drew attention to the appalling conditions in police lock-ups in rural Australia. The cells in Murgon, three hours north-west of Brisbane, were typical - dirty, disgusting, depressing. Detective Sergeant Ryan and Senior Sergeant McReight got together in 1991, put chalkboards in the cells and started what has become the Murgon Watch-house Art Project. The results have been excellent. Vandalism has almost disappeared.

Despite the significant positive developments of the past two years, the Commission remains seriously concerned about some aspects of Australian law and policy on asylum seekers, refugees and immigration detention. The Commission is primarily concerned about the prolonged or indefinite detention and lack of durable solutions or substantive visa pathways for certain groups of people in immigration detention. These include stateless persons; refugees who have received adverse security assessments; and refugees who are of interest to or have been charged by the Australian Federal Police (AFP).

“I saw an Afghani guy cut his own throat in my compound – he was working with me in the kitchen that day, and after work, he went outside and he cut himself up everywhere. It was really hard. Even the officers started crying when this happened”. [17–year–old asylum-seeker]

How do individuals who witness or are aware of sexual harassment in their workplace make sense of this? Referred to in some studies as ambient sexual harassment, the vicarious experience of sexual harassment by bystanders has been explored from a number of perspectives. This section describes the prevalence of the experience, the psychological and productivity impacts and perceptual differences across demographic groups.

This is my sixth and final Native Title Report as the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner. This Report covers the period 1 July 2008 – 30 June 2009.

Pursuant to section 11(1 )(f)(ii) of the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Act1986 ( Cth), I attach a report of my inquiry into a complaint by Mr Daniel Clark. I have found that the act or practice of the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade complained of the Minister for Foreign Affairs is inconsistent with or contrary to the human right of freedom of expression as provided for in article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights

5.1 Introduction 5.2 The importance of Nations 5.3 Framework for Indigenous governance 5.4 Community governance: a Nation building approach 5.5 Australian accounts of successful nation building 5.6 Voices of Nations, not just national voices 5.7 Conclusions and recommendations 5.1 Introduction Since the beginning of my term as Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner, I ...

Pursuant to s 31(b)(ii) of the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Act 1986 (Cth), I attach, on behalf of the Commission, a report of an inquiry conducted by my predecessor, Professor Alice Tay. The inquiry dealt with a complaint of discrimination in employment by Mr Kenneth Douglas against the Commonwealth of Australia (Australian Defence Force).

In its final recommendations, the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation proposed that there be a legislative requirement for the Social Justice Commissioner to monitor progress towards reconciliation on an annual basis. In the Social Justice Report 2000 it was noted that while legislative amendment to this end was desirable, this task could be undertaken under my existing functions. Accordingly, I undertook to provide an annual evaluation of progress towards reconciliation as part of the social justice report.

Every morning our people would crush charcoal and mix that with animal fat and smother that all over us, so that when the police came they could only see black children in the distance. We were told always to be on the alert and, if white people came, to run into the bush or run and stand behind the trees as stiff as a poker, or else hide behind logs or run into culverts and hide. Often the white people - we didn't know who they were - would come into our camps. And if the Aboriginal group was taken unawares, they would stuff us into flour bags and pretend we weren't there.

Within months of the `First Fleet' arrival at Sydney Cove in 1788 there was `open animosity' as Indigenous people protested against `the Europeans cutting down trees, taking their food and game, and driving them back into others' territories'. Bitter conflict followed as Aboriginal people engaged in `guerilla warfare - plundering crops, burning huts, and driving away stock' to be met by `punitive expeditions of great ferocity in which bands of Aborigines encountered were indiscriminately killed' (Bickford 1988 page 57).

This table provides a collective overview of the responses made by governments to the Inquiry's Recommendations. Analysis of government responses together with details of individual government initiatives, where they are known, are provided in the body of the Implementation Report.

This appendix contains an extract from the findings of Coroner Chivell in the inquests of the South Australian Coroner's Court into the deaths of three Anangu on the Anangu Pitjantjatjara Lands between 1999-2001.[1] The full findings of the Coroner can be accessed online at the following address:http://www.courts.sa.gov.au/ courts/coroner/findings/findings_2002/kunmanara_ken.finding.htm

The meeting was facilitated by Omeima Sukkarieh (notes) from HREOC and was attended by eight young men. The consultation progressed very much as a group discussion and this summary records some of the exchanges between the participants.

State, Territory and Commonwealth native title policies (1) direct the way in which governments conduct negotiations with native title claimant groups and the scope and content of the agreements they make as a result of these negotiations. Such policies may influence whether negotiations will be confined to native title rights and interests as they are legally defined, or whether they address the broader economic and social development needs of the claimant group.

HREOC is a national independent statutory body established under the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Act 1986. It has a President and five Commissioners. The five positions are currently held by three persons.